Chapter 9: The Discovery and Re-use of Relics and Sarcophagi



Introduction


The people of the Middle Ages often lived cheek by jowl with the remains of antiquity, and built directly on top of them (cf. the number of Storia della Città dedicated to Ferentino: 16/16, 1980). Much antique material was always visible, in quantities which decreased from the Middle Ages onwards; yet even as late as the eighteenth century, much remained: B. Tauleri (1702, 25) writes of a locality at Atina, extra muros, called Sede de' Cavalieri, where `are to be seen the foundations of large buildings, with worked stones, very beautiful busts, and many broken inscriptions'. Much more became available during the Middle Ages, as the result of either deliberate searches, or natural causes. All kinds of antiquities were uncovered, but sarcophagi were particularly sought.  

The occupation and neglect of land, and the action of the weather, could all play a part in uncovering antiquities, especially in times of flood, and in areas where a complicated cultivation system had broken down. Floods could uncover whole sites, as Tauleri (1702, 191) records: `In the year 1614, heavy rainfall swelled our River Molinaro, which devastated many fields, and carried earth away with it. With the dry weather an antique building was discovered, in which there stood many worked stones, amongst them one in which two heads are sculpted, one male, the other female' (the stone described was probably a double funerary stele). Modena was also prone to such natural actions, which `have from time to time uncovered the deep-buried ruins of ancient Mutina', as Muratori relates (AIMA 2.179f.). Soil movements could uncover antiquities more slowly, but still without human intervention - as in areas of central Italy bearing Mediterranean Brown Earth, where the Etruscans developed whole networks of underground drainage channels called `cuniculi'. Many of which still fulfil their purpose (Judson 1963), but the consequence of neglecting them is soil erosion: `every time there is heavy rain (and much of the rainfall is torrential) large quantities of soil are washed off the cultivated slopes. Every year the plough bites a little deeper into the crests of the ridges and the soil is washed down, building up along the edges or plunging into the valleys below' (Kahane 1968, 5). Not that the problem was restricted to Central Italy: the build-up of deep alluvial deposits in Mediterranean river-valleys during Late Antiquity (called the `Younger Fill') caused great changes in the profile of the landscape from Greece to Spain and from North Africa to Palestine - presumably when classical drainage systems collapsed, the land structure collapsed with them (Hodges 1983, 56ff.).  

Surface crop marks frequently drew attention the remains of structures underground: variations in the colouring, growth rate or survival of the crop indicate the plan of what lies underneath. Walls covered by soil can be seen because the vegetation on top of them, which receives less water than surrounding crops because there is less soil, parches quicker and takes on a colour which distinguishes it from that of adjacent plants. As easy to detect are areas where ditches have been made, such as burial mounds, because the ditch tends to fill in slowly with a soil which is lighter, sometimes more silt-like, and frequently richer in humus than adjacent areas. All this is common knowledge today, because we associate crop-marks with photographs taken from the air. However, such differences can easily be identified on the ground, as Agache (1961, 230f.) found by asking countrymen in northern France: a horse-drawn plough goes more easily through such one-time ditches; they are favoured by burrowing animals; cereals grow too quickly over such areas, and tend to topple over - leaving a crop mark which continues even after scything, because such areas are more difficult to cut than a standing crop. That such marks were known and understood in the Middle Ages is clear from the names they received - such as Tombelles, Champ de Bataille, or Sépulchre (ibid., 235f.). Burial mounds - more serious obstructions to the farmer - were also recognised for what they were: the term `tomba' is used in northern Italy from the thirteenth century to mean a motte with a ditch; that is, a fortified place which, like a burial mound, could also be artificial, and have the same elements of mound and ditch (Settia 1980, 38f.).  

We can also show that antique sites were readily available, but can usually prove no more than that they were looted for materials. Archaeological evidence tells us when robber trenches or later constructions cut through earlier monumental structures or necropoleis. One example is the paleochristian cemetery of S. Victor at Marseille which, to the western side, was built on to first by Romanesque constructions, and then by a rampart to protect the abbey; and above the early layer were others, postdating the tenth century, re-using antique stelai and slabs cut from the earlier monolithic sarcophagi (Benoit 1947, 11ff.). Treasure hunting was clearly widespread (cf. Higgitt 1973, 11 for England), but there is also tangential evidence that antique sites were explored from intellectual curiosity rather than in the hunt for spolia: Oldoni (1977/80, 2, passim) believes that Gerbert of Aurillac (c. 945-1003, who took the tiara as Sylvester II) explored the `grottoes' of ancient Rome. Descriptions survive of `useless' finds, such as the Chronicle of Lambert of Ardres, who died in the early thirteenth century (Mortet 1911, 181; Harmand 1961, 9): he writes of a Gallo-Roman site in the Pas-de-Calais as `that place where even today are found remains of the pagans, that is red tiles, the tops of red vases, and fragments of glass flasks ...' (ANRW 2.4, 168 for site bibliography). And even when the search was for good building stone, antiquities turned up in the process could receive admiration, as in the description of finds of `shapely and beautiful vases, cippi, dishes and other vessels' near Cologne in the Chronicle of S. Pierre at Oudenbourgh (Mortet 1911, 172).  

One early twelfth-century text suggests a good acquaintance with old tombs and their contents: Guilbert de Nogent tells of the discovery of a Gallo-Roman cemetery while building the Abbey of Nogent-sur-Coucy; but this `was not disposed as we arrange tombs, but in a circle ... and in them are found vases the use of which is unknown to Christian times; from which we can believe that these are either pagan, or from the earliest Christian times, but made in the pagan fashion' (Mortet 1911, 318 and n. 3). Even if it would be wrong to assume great interest in such antiquities on Guilbert's part, his knowledge is not in doubt: this seems to be the only account before the fifteenth century of an attempt to date by grave goods and disposition.  

Frederick II's interest in antiquities is well known, and he is known to have payed large sums for them. In 1240, we even find him permitting a dig near Augusta, which was a new town, founded only in 1232, and near to the Greek city of Megara Hyblaea. Presumably scavenging expeditions among the ruins of the Greek site for building material for the new city occasioned finds, and permission was then given in the hope that riches would be found, no doubt by digging up one of the cemeteries: the permit was for `those parts of Augusta in which it is confidently hoped that great finds are to be made', which can scarcely refer to anything as banal as building stone (Huillard-Bréholles 1852/61, 7, 825). Another document of the same year could also refer to antiquities, and imported ones at that, for it mentions `stone statues (`ymagines') brought in the galleys, and now in the castle at Naples', to be sent to Lucera (Sthamer 1912, doc. 38). Other documents record his transportation of two bronzes from Grottaferrata to Lucera, and the payment of great sums of money for an onyx cup and other antiquities (Weiss 1958, 147f.). It is arguable that Frederick's castle-building uncovered some antiquities for him, but references are late, sparse and obscure: what, for example, were the certa signa at Lucera (1273: Sthamer 1912, doc. 56), or the lapides taken from the ditch at Manfredonia in 1279 (ibid., doc. 456)?


The Early Background: the Cult of Relics


The veneration of the relics of saints and martyrs is very old, and dates from as early as the second century, when proximity of the dead to relics was seen as an aid to the soul (Sumption 1975, ch. 2; and cf. 131; 153). As Saint Augustine puts it, `that a person is buried at the memorials of the Martyrs, this, I think, so far profits the departed, that while commending him also to the Martyr's patronage, the affection of supplication on his behalf is increased' (De Cura pro Mortuis, xxii; Duval 1982, 499ff.). By extension, the cult nourished a belief in the help and protection afforded to living believers who visited such cemeteries - hence their frequent magnificence (Braun 1924, 1.608ff. for reliquary graves; ibid., 1.525ff. for altar graves). It was regularised only in 787 with the requirement of the Second Council of Nicaea that new churches should be consecrated with relics, and old churches be furnished with them retrospectively (Heinzelmann 1979 for good bibliog.; Duval 1982, 761ff.). Indeed, we might say that the veneration of saints' relics goes in some way against Christian teaching on the relative unimportance of the decayed body; and, as Morris has it (1983, 25, writing of Britain), `the physical characteristics of Christian burial were in the main acquired through a sieving out of pagan mortuary practices'.  

Three features associated with the cult of relics have a bearing on the survival of antiquities. The first is that Christian burial practices are frequently similar to pagan ones, and therefore make use of similar (and sometimes the same) impedimenta: there is no great difference between Christians meeting at the grave, with a sacrificial table for the burial offering (sometimes combined with a Eucharistic offering), and the pagan traditions of the memorial banquet at the grave of the loved one, for the environment and materials required are similar. The second that Christian burials are often to be found in pagan cemeteries, with the same result that antiquities are preserved for centuries. But the most important is that when cemeteries extra muros become disused, the translation of relics intra muros occasions a search for fine vessels (often antique) in which to house them: bones or their containers had to be visible - hence their housing in the most beautiful containers available, which were often antique urns, altars and cippi (Braun 1924, 1.118ff.) or sarcophagi (cf. Koch 1982, 41-58).   

Cemeteries were, indeed, a central feature of pagan as of Christian life, and ancient laws forbad the disturbing of the dead, as Saint Gregory himself was to make very clear (Jounel 1977, 101). Constantine did not destroy the cemetery under S. Peter's, but simply buried it so that he could build his basilica on top (thereby perhaps beginning a fashion); his action is interesting, particularly when compared with the traditional distaste for corpses shown in the actions of Constantius' workmen (probably, in fact, those of his father) in clearing a site before laying the foundations for a church. According to Procopius (Buildings 1.iv.21), `the workmen dug up the whole soil so that nothing unseemly should be left there' - in the course of which procedure the bodies of the Apostles Andrew, Luke and Timothy were found; it is therefore certain that a cemetery was cleared to make way for the church.  

Given that in this respect Christian and pagan were in agreement, it was logical that the Theodosian Code made no distinction between pagan and Christian tombs when imposing heavy fines on those who violated them (Cod. Th. 9.17.4, of 346). There was, of course, a belief that continuing contact with the dead contaminated the living; for this reason, burial was traditionally outside the pomerium, a Greek and Roman practice continued by the Christians (ibid., 9.17.6, of 363). For much the same reason, the Code condemned the contamination of the living by the re-use of material from tombs (9.17.4 of 356), although this did not stop anybody, including Christians, from admiring or taking over the often splendid forms of pagan mausolea and sarcophagi (e.g. Frederiksen 1957, 91).  

From the third century onwards, in both Italy and Gaul (Weidemann n.d., 224), some pagan necropoleis and their successors became the focus of martyr cults because, in the first centuries of our era, Christian graves were scattered here and there in largely pagan necropoleis (which is hardly surprising, given the frequent difficulties even today in deciding whether graveyards are indeed pagan or Christian: cf. Morris 1983, 53ff., and especially tables 5 and 6). Gradually, the prestige of the martyr-graves made them the focus for other Christian burials, while visits from pilgrims provided money for the erection of more or less magnificent shrines. What is more, Christian graves were often grouped in `areae', surrounded by walls, and therefore distinguished from the pagan tombs around; such areae provided some measure of protection in later centuries. These arrangements can still be seen at the Aliscamps at Arles, where some of the tombs are very tightly packed (Benoît 1952); excavations at the suburb of Trinquetaille, and around S. Pierre at Narbonne showed a similar pattern (Benoît 1938, 354). Later, some martyr graves were to become the centres for embryonic mediaeval towns (Ennen 1956, 400ff.). In other cases, churches were founded extra muros, and over antique cemeteries - as at Bazas, where the convent of the Cordeliers and S. Martial are so placed (Lot 1953, 278).


Christian necropoleis and their abandonment


The abandonment of the necropoleis extra muros and the translation of the relics of saints and martyrs inside the cities was an important step in the survival of sarcophagi. The most popular collections of holy bones was at Rome, and most of what we know about the upkeep of martyr-graves and their subsequent abandonment comes from that city. Here the cemeteries (which accounted for much of her mediaeval eminence: Reekmans 1968, 174) were visited by pilgrims from the fourth to the eighth centuries, as tourist guides make clear. Two factors occasioned the move. The first was pressure of events: frequent earthquakes which devastated structures, and Barbarian invasions which pillaged them (cf. Dulaey 1977). The second was a change in religious ideas: Dyggve (1952, 150, 155) dates from the fifth century the decision to make a grave compulsory for the holy altar, and therefore to introduce the altar-grave, and the `characteristic overcrowding with corpses' into urban churches. Those clerics such as Vigilantius who ranted against people who appeared to worship dead bodies and relics, calling them `gatherers of ashes' (ibid., 157), were fighting a losing battle, as can be seen from the popularity of carrying relics about the person in small boxes (an example in HF 8.15), and placing them in Christian burials both in Britain and on the Continent (Meaney 1981, 184ff.).  

We need not dwell on the efforts of the papacy to restore the cemeteries, or on the structures frequently built over them since the time of Constantine (Reekmans 1968, 176ff.), except to mention the mausolea which pious Christians built in the Christian cemeteries, as near as they could get to the bones of saints and martyrs; some of these survive, such as those above the Cemetery of Praetextatus (ibid., 188). One structure in Milan, the complex of S. Lorenzo, may have combined the functions of martyrium and imperial mausoleum (Mirabella Roberti 1963). To counteract depradation, important cemeteries were sometimes fortified, such as that on the site of S. Vittore in Milan: a cemetery from the first century, a mausoleum was later erected, perhaps for Maximian, and then protected by a castrum. The former, later to be known as the Capella di San Gregorio, survived into the sixteenth century, and some parts of the castrum were still visible three centuries later (Mirabella Roberti 1967).


Translation of relics intra muros

  By the eighth century, the extra-urban cemeteries had lost the major part of their importance because of the translation of relics into churches in the city or very near its walls (Heinzelmann 1979, 94ff.). At Rome, the instigator of this translation was Hadrian, who clearly had a vision of what the restored Rome should be like - a vigorous, Christian city, with antique overtones (Krautheimer 1980, 112-13, 133ff.). But the only ancient and non-Christian `monuments' he restored were practical ones such as the aqueducts. Others he must surely have devastated for his building projects.  

The practice of translation, for which rich receptacles were usually required, appears to have begun in the East, and adopted in the West by S. Ambrose. It had spread to Gaul by the mid-fifth century, when S. Martin of Tours was moved from one tomb to another within his newly constructed basilica (McCulloh 1980, 313). There are other isolated examples in the centuries following the fifth century (for example those carried out by Theodore and Paul I in the seventh and eighth centuries), but the policy was confused, alternating between restoration and translation (Krautheimer 1980, 112f.; 345). The trigger for wholesale translation was perhaps Honorius I (627-38) movement of the remains of S. Pancratius to the crypt of his rebuilt basilica (McCulloh 1980, 321).  Papal policy therefore changed from the supply of mere `contact' relics (usually pieces of cloth placed for a time near the holy bodies, and thereby, it was believed, absorbing some of their sanctity) to the supply of the actual bones all over Europe. And by Carolingian times, as Hubert remarks (1982, 258), the practice sometimes `degenerated into collective madness': it is Pascal I, and Damasus, who, above all, `merit the title of cultor martyrum' (Jounel 1977, 99).  

Rome, then, was probably driven to take this new step by the thirst for relics (McCulloh 1980, 322), rather than taking a spiritual lead. Certainly, intra-mural burial seems to have been practised much earlier elsewhere (Février 1974, 126ff.). In Gaul, for example, its prohibition was apparently taken rather lightly: the Council of Nantes in 658, in permitting burial in the atrium or outside a church, but not in the church itself, was presumably bowing before a practice already popular (Boube 1955, 100f; see also Lesne 1936, 123ff.). Dyggve, in an admirably clear account (1952, 152-3), points out the liturgical advantages which extra-mural burial had over that in urban churches: for whereas the former could have as many altar-graves as there were martyrs or relics, the latter were allowed only one altar - a prohibition beginning to be evaded in the fourth century with the building of memorial chapels. The higher revenue extra muros, derived from pilgrims, had allowed the construction of sumptuous basilicas, which frequently made use of pagan spoils in their construction.  

Furthermore, the early cathedrals were often outside the walls of cities (cf. Violante 1966, for Italy) and, as martyr shrines, helped protect antiquities. Sometimes their names  proclaim this function, as at the early sixth-century foundation of Saint-Vincent-de-Xaintes (i.e. de Sanctis) just to the south west of the wall of Dax, in the Landes, which was probably built on the site of a villa. This was probably the cathedral until its transfer intra muros c. 1055, and its precinct has yielded many sarcophagi dating from the High Middle Ages (Cabanot 1972, 3f.). Throughout Europe, indeed, it is not unusual to find the majority of pre-twelfth century churches outside the enceinte: at Senlis, to take one example, only two out of six are inside it.


Conclusion

  From the point of view of the ancient monuments and their preservation, the development of the cult of martyrs had four important consequences. First, pagan sarcophagi were in great demand, as were urns, being suitable receptacles for martyrs, their relics, and the bodies of believers (that parts of such receptacles were often broken off to form new relics was an unfortunate part of their attraction: Sumption 1975, 24f.; for the use of a marble vase to hold relics at Verdun, cf. L-B no. 2056). Secondly, pagan necropoleis, instead of being totally neglected, were cared for in those parts which contained prestigious martyrs' graves. Thirdly, the relaxation of prohibitions on intra-mural burial assured some sarcophagi and other materials of the added protection and prominence of urban display. And, finally, the buildings erected over the martyr shrines frequently employed antiquities, thereby preserving them, albeit often in a somewhat changed form. As Dyggve emphasises (1952, 152), `the foundation of the wealth and power of the church is due to the incorporation of the martyr-grave in the church'.



The Re-use of Sarcophagi


Introduction


Sarcophagi are among the most spectacular and durable of antiquities, and may have inspired artists in the Middle Ages as much as they were to do in the Renaissance and later (e.g. Adhémar 1939, 159ff.; Fusco 1979; Koch 1982, 627ff.; Andreae 1983); they wre preserved for their decorative qualities, sometimes giving `naming' streets (e.g. at Rome: Via del Orso; Via Bocca di Leone) as well as for reburial. These prestigious objects were not only exported from Rome to distant parts of the Empire, but also made in some of the various provinces as well (Koch 1982, 266-311 - but none were made in Britannia), and they were prized by later centuries as a very symbol of Romanitas: it was in large measure their re-use which ensured their survival. Sepulchral altars also survived in large numbers, but could be used only as holy-water stoups; only infrequently did they receive the honour of imitation before the Renaissance (Williams 1941; and cf. Greenhalgh 1982, 125).


Why was re-use practised?

In view of the interdictions against violating tombs, some of which are written on the vessels themselves (e.g. Rebecchi 1978, 272f.), how can the re-use of sarcophagi be explained? Their intrinsic value and their aura of Romanitas certainly helped and, in the later Middle Ages, the new element of population expansion meant that they were likely to be discovered during building operations, because so many of these entailed expansion outside what had once been cemeteries: this was, indeed, the way in which many remains of saints came to light (examples from Augsburg in L-B nos 70, 71).  

In a sense, the Church blessed the practices of plundering cemeteries and re-using sarcophagi and urns when it stipulated that relics (usually bones) were an essential part of any altar (Hamann-Maclean 1949-50, 167), for it thereby formalised the continuing use of such vessels, pagan and Christian, as altar tables. This meant that there was an inevitable tendency to rifle Christian cemeteries for their relics (and sometimes riches, as the Crusaders did on the Fourth Crusade in Constantinople: Grierson 1962, n. 4), and both Christian and pagan cemeteries for their sarcophagi. Thus, when a vessel was needed for the relics of St Etheldreda, one was sought in Cambridge, surely in a Roman cemetery (Plummer 1896, 245): we are told that they looked `near the city walls', so they clearly knew where the cemeteries were normally located. Nor did they really hope to find a vessel: their search was for blocks of stone from which to piece together a sarcophagus - and the find was due to a miracle. Finer vessels were available in Italy: in 872 Pope Hadrian II gave relics of S. Clemente to the church of S. Clemente, at Torre dei Passeri (Pescara); these are now in a figured strigillate sarcophagus, used as an altar, and this arrangement could date either from this period or from the refurbishing of the years following 1176.  

That plundering was indeed a problem can be seen from the formulation of rules to regulate re-use - which could mean multiple burial, or evicting older bones: the Lex Salica forbad burial in a sarcophagus already occupied (a notion which had a long life); Henry III issued a decree forbidding multiple burial in a certain tomb at Bamberg in 1054 (MGH Dip. Reg. Imp. Germ. 5.440); and the Council of Macon in 585 had already ruled against re-use before decomposition (James 1977, 163). Here again, perhaps saints led the way: witness the discovery of the bones of no less than the Three Magi outside the walls of Milan in the time of Frederick I (L-B no. 2248); the discovery of relics of two saints in a marble sarcophagus at Verdun in the early eleventh century (ibid., no. 2049); the four martyrs interred in San Giovanni Calabita, near Ostia, c. 890; or the two in San Fausino at Brescia - both groups in re-worked sarcophagi (Pisa 1982, nos. 85 and 137). Multiple occupation was also popular with noble families, as with the laying of several members of the Savelli family in the fine sarcophagus in S.M. in Aracoeli (Agosti 1983, 7), or the re-working of a sarcophagus in 1097 for the remains of Azzo II d'Este and Cunegond of Bavaria (Pisa 1982, no. 59; Rebecchi 1984, 330f.). Such prestigious vessels were therefore used as family `vaults,' and the family continued to be the key to the usage of tombs, as can be seen by a Salernitan document of 1094 concerning the tomb of the Gisolfus family, to go in the atrium of the church. They reserved full rights over the monument, including cleaning out old bones and installing new bodies, and restoring the tomb itself (AIMA 1.573B). Indeed, it may usually have been the family itself which regulated re-use - witness the frequent demand that the family owning the tomb be consulted, as in the sixth-century conciliar documents urging intending violators merely to seek the permission of the `domini sepulchrorum' (Young 1975, 75f.). Again, the emphasis on the duties of the family in matters of burial was no more than a continuation of Roman practice, where the burial or cremation of a body was the business of the relatives, and any sacrifices to be made would be by the family to family gods. The Church, in Young's opinion, simply refused to organise the domain of burial customs, intervening `only where it is obliged to correct some abuse that threatens to encumber its authority'. He places the earliest church pronouncement on funerary customs at 785/6, and that simply names incineration and tumuli as pagan (Young 1977, 6). The confusion of multiple occupancy is well illustrated by a sarcophagus with the bones of a member of the Cocceia family, and so inscribed, under the altar table in the chapel of S. Silvestro in S. Columbano at Bobbio. Presumably the monks thought the bones were those of a saint: did they simply throw out the lay bones and replace them with saint's bones, omitting to change the inscription or, equally likely, prizing the decoration so greatly that they left the inscription alone?



The chronology of the vogue


When did the vogue begin? Christians were as culture-conscious as pagans, and large numbers of Early Christian sarcophagi survive to illustrate the point. Both pagan and Christian vessels are found in re-use, with the pagan ones more sought-after because they are both more numerous and of higher quality. Indeed sarcophagi, like other pagan spolia except statues, were simply too valuable and prestigious to be avoided simply because they were pagan. Given the interchange of practices between pagans and Christians, it is therefore impossible to date exactly the beginning of the fashion for Christian burial in sarcophagi. At Arles, one early dated specimen is that of Bishop Concordius (died 380), whose sarcophagus, with inscription, was preserved until the Revolution in the crypt of Saint-Honorat and is now in the Museum of Christian Art (Benoît 1947, 10). Christian re-use of pagan vessels is perhaps almost contemporary with the manufacture of new and Christian ones: thus S. Hilaire (d. 449) was probably buried in a pagan sarcophagus with the Legend of Prometheus, of the late third century, which went to the Louvre in 1822 (Benoît 1954, no. 99). Rebecchi (1978, 269) believes that, in Italy, the practice began in the fourth century, suggesting as reasons not only general economic collapse but also the destruction of `pietas', so perhaps the same causes had the same results in Gaul. We have seen that laws were promulgated to prevent too hasty a re-use, presumably because the practice was frequent. Gregory of Tours tells of one particularly gruesome case: a priest at Clermont rightly defied his bishop and, for his pains, was thrown into a great sarcophagus of Parian marble in the crypt of S. Cassius Martyr there; by the grace of God, he was able to move the great lid, and escape from the vessel and its mouldering body (HF 4.12).  

As had always been the case, burial in a sarcophagus was the preserve of important people, the definition of which the Christians extended to Princes of the Church (Fohlen 1948, 185f.) and saints (Gaul supposedly has no less than thirty sarcophagi containing their bones: James 1977, 34), as well as the new Holy Roman Emperors and the various aristocracies (examples in Esch 1969, 49f. and n. 185; list of Roman examples in Agosti 1983, 4). Indeed, the best vessels went to the most important people, as when the porphyry sarcophagus of an Emperor (perhaps Gratian, died 382), was set by Bishop Angilbert (824-859) in Sant' Ambrogio to house the relics of Gervase, Protase and Ambrose (Pisa 1982, no. 139); similarly the French kings from the Carolingian period onwards used pagan vessels when possible (Erlande-Brandenburg 1975, 39f.). For S. Augustine's remains, Dodwell (1982, 125ff.) suggests that an antique vessel was imported to England from Gaul. When the vessel was of porphyry, the transmission of Imperial power either to the Popes or, in some instances, to the Praefectus Urbi, was reason enough for re-use (cf. Agosti 1983, 5f.; and Pisa 1982, no. 86).  

The practice was well established by the seventh century, and perhaps had never died - although the problems of dating make this a difficult matter to resolve, as in a dispute over whether sarcophagi which house some bishops who died in the seventh century are contemporaneous or re-used (James 1977, 33f.). Two sarcophagi at Ancona, and nearby Osimo, appear to have held a saint's bones - the one produced for the purpose in the fifth century, the other already in re-use in the sixth (Pisa 1982, nos 212 and 213). Such growing popularity is later reflected in the frequency with which scenes of burial in manuscripts and frescoes feature antique sarcophagi, often strigillate (cf. Bloch 1946, figs 229-31), as well as in seventh- and eighth-century imitations of antique vessels (Vieillard-Troikouroff 1961, 266 and n. 35). There was certainly nothing unusual in the practice by the ninth century, when the supposed remains of S. James were found already reposing in a white marble sarcophagus near the present-day Compostella - presumably in a pagan burial ground.  

No distinction seems to have been made between Christian and pagan vessels, for both received the accolade of imitation and re-use - as with the `Merovingian' and `Paleo-Christian' vessels made in the twelfth century (Vieillard-Troikouroff 1961). The ancient interdictions against disturbing the dead applied to sarcophagi, and although there are no accounts of Christians violating cemeteries in their outrage at paganism there is, as we have seen, plentiful evidence that they were disturbed for their sarcophagi. Even Gregory of Tours, a hammer of the pagans if ever there was one, writes with appreciation of several sarcophagi of Parian marble (Knoegel 1936, nos 302, 303, 320, 323), including a whole collection which he says was in the west mausoleum of S. Vénérand at Clermont (Gloria Confess. 34); these are now lost, but the one which he says contained the remains of S. Ludre is still at Déols, and is third-century pagan (Vieillard-Troikouroff 1976, 407). Again, the comment that the Parian sarcophagus of Saint Felix, of Bourges, had a lid in a different material proclaims that the vessel itself was an old one in re-use (Ward-Perkins 1960, 29). In Italy also, re-use begins early: at Modena, old sarcophagi are already being re-cut and re-used in the fourth century (Rebecchi 1984, 321); at the Abbey of Ferentillo, the Longobards preserved no less than five vessels - `the most notable nucleus of figured Roman sarcophagi in Umbria' (Pietrangeli 1952). It is not known where they came from, but if the tradition is correct which makes one the tomb of Feroald II (died 732; cf. Pisa 1982, no. 6) then the collection may well be a conspicuously early one - antedating a comparable one at Farfa. Comparisons between the stucco figures at Cividale and antique sculpture at Aquileia (Beutler 1982, 202ff.) might suggest that Longobard knowledge of ancient sites was not rare.  

But a socially wider re-use of sarcophagi, at least in Italy, appears to date from the later eleventh century, perhaps reflecting the greater availability of vessels as a result of population expansion over old cemeteries; in Rome, the vogue for such inhumation reached its height in the twelfth century (Agosti 1983, 6); at Pisa, Rebecchi (1984, 330) suggests 1119 as the date of the first display of a re-used sarcophagus at the Duomo, but the fashion begins in earnest in the later thirteenth century (Parra 1983, 477ff.). For two Modenese vessels, for example, we have fourteenth century evidence that they were indeed found `while digging the ditches of the upper suburb' (Pisa 1982, no. 117); for others, the evidence is tangential: at Acerenza (Potenza), two front panels (Pisa 1982, no. 187) are incorporated in the campanile, together with funerary stelai, which suggests the discovery of a necropolis. In Spain, Serafin Moralejo has noted at Gerona that sarcophagi were re-used at the very time that the walls were being built (turn of the twelfth / thirteenth century: Pisa 1982, nos 168 and 170); and that the existence of no less than eight must indicate the discovery of a necropolis. He draws the same conclusion from the incorporation of inscriptions and stele in San Pedro de Arlanza (Burgos), where sarcophagi were also re-used (ibid., docs 184 and 185), and for the vessel in San Pedro el Vejo, Huesca (ibid., doc. 183). The vogue  for marble sarcophagi was as strong in England as on the Continent, which it perhaps tended to ape: references to saints and martyrs buried in marble are therefore not rare. At Canterbury, Archbishop Theobald (died 1161) was laid in a sarcophagus (L-B England, no. 819; cf. no. 683), and S. Thomas had a `new' vessel (ibid., no. 768), while his shrine was also rich in marble (ibid., no. 792). At S. Albans, the tomb of the eponymous saint was `marble with marble columns' (ibid., no. 3952). The sarcophagus of Sebbi, King of the East Saxons (died 692/4) was too small, but Bede tells us that a miracle enlarged it to fit (Plummer 1896, 366-8).  

Even for the powerful, however, some types of vessel soon became scarce: if, as Deér has convincingly suggested (1959, 154ff.), the Normans followed a papal vogue when they had themselves laid in porphyry tombs, they presumably sought antique vessels, but in vain. Having access to Rome for the material itself (ibid., 117ff.), they had to make up new tombs, some of which were monolithic, and probably from part-shafts of large columns; that of Roger II, however, is made of uncompromisingly plain slabs, the effect of which is mitigated only by the richness of the canopy. If porphyry was scarce, were other rare marbles equally so? Could it be that the terracotta columns now in the museum at Grottaferrata were indeed a substitute for rare and valued marbles - for porphyry and verde antico? And frequently, contemporary vessels ape antique practice, as with some of those of Bolognese professors (Grandi 1980, 178).  

The following account discusses the conditions under which antique sarcophagi were displayed, and hence made available to the Middle Ages; the ways in which shortages occurred; and what was done to mitigate them.


The display of sarcophagi above ground


As during Antiquity, the Middle Ages displayed sarcophagi above ground: some were decorated, others sometimes had their own decorated cenotaph above them, the most famous instance being the those at Jouarre (Périn 1982); and the parallels between martyr graves with sarcophagi or caskets displayed for veneration and the decorated sarcophagus-like cenotaphs of the wealthy is clear. Indeed, a sarcophagus in the open air could still be the focus for the Mass in the later Middle Ages, with the altar laid out on its lid, if one thirteenth-century account of the deeds of Honorat (Bédier 1914, 408f.) at the tomb of Vezianus in the Alyscamps reflects contemporary practice. Vessels with decoration only on the lids were sometimes buried in the ground so that only the lids were visible, and plain or nearly plain vessels might be either buried, or displayed in the open air; decorated sarcophagi, however, were made to be displayed above ground, often in mausolea, for the admiration of the living (cf. Rebecchi 1978, 269ff.). This can clearly be seen from the design of most funerary structures, the very shape of which required sarcophagi as the focus of attention: and there is some continuity between the design of pagan mausolea and that of Christian basilicas (particularly with regard to annular corridors: Winfeld-Hansen 1965). Thus the ritual circumambulation practised in Greek and Roman religious observances regarding the dead finds its continuation in the crowd-management designs of the great pilgrimage basilicas. The focus of attention remains relics, often housed in spoliated vessels displayed either in corridor crypts (on that built by Gregory the Great for S. Peter's, and on later developments, cf. Horn 1979, 1.196ff.), or in the main body of the church which, by the ninth century, might have as many as thirty altars, all with relics of some kind (ibid., 1.208ff.). Sometimes, indeed, as in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, the sarcophagi were even tailored to the setting (De Francovich 1958/9, 19f.); elsewhere at Ravenna, the concern for display is clear for, of the forty sarcophagi visible today or traceable to that city, no less than sixteen are carved on all four sides (Lawrence 1945, 1). They were therefore likely to be available to the Middle Ages, who naturally followed the same practice, as at Jouarre, mentioned above (Elbern 1971). Even when they had become buried, their whereabouts were frequently well known, if we may judge from the evidence of place-names (Cameron 1977, 118) or later imitations (Vieillard-Troikouroff 1961).  

In Gaul as in Italy, sarcophagi were displayed from Early Christian times, and were often kept in funerary crypts and hypogea, all extra muros, as we learn from Gregory of Tours (Vieillard-Troikouroff 1976, 394). In the Merovingian period, thanks no doubt to the growing importance of the cult of relics, sarcophagi and their revered contents rose to greater prominence, being frequently transferred into the choir of a church, sometimes specially built to house it (ibid., 395f.). A roughly contemporary translation occurred in Italy. Sarcophagi were also pressed into use as altar tables and/or altar frontals - very suitable considering the origins of the Christian altar. The so-called Tomb of S. Hilaire in the church at S. Hilaire (Aude; cf. Caviness 1973, 216ff.), a twelfth-century pastiche of the manner of those late antique sarcophagi to be seen in Provence, was so used. In S. Trophîme, Arles, three altars are graced with sarcophagi, including a Traditio Legis in the apse chapel, and a superb specimen with the Crossing of the Red Sea in the north transept. All three appear to be only front panels, but the Red Sea sarcophagus is enhanced by being set on a fine base, which is surely antique. Such usage was probably common, and is also found in Italy, for example in San Giovanni al Mare, Gaeta (Pisa 1982, no. 194). Such placings are probably contemporary with the construction of the church, given parallel installations of the same period - such as that at Bourg Saint-Andéol, where the whole sarcophagus is used under the altar table. In other instances, the top of the sarcophagus serves as the altar table (Fohlen 1948, 188f.).  

Presumably such vessels were looted from the cemeteries where they had been displayed. One such is at Martres Tolosanes, near Toulouse, where excavations in a paleochristian cemetery (which might have been in use as early as the late fourth century: Boube 1955, 1957) have revealed the practice of displaying marble sarcophagi both in the atrium of the basilica and in funerary chapels, as well as in the open air. Some were highly decorated but others plain; and some were arranged so that only their decorated lids were visible above ground. It is ironical that other undecorated specimens, which were indeed buried, have survived to our own day intact, whereas the excavators collected only a mass of fragments (estimated as belonging to five or six vessels) remaining from those which were on display - `the inevitable victims', as Ward-Perkins writes (1960, 32), `of the cupidity and the iconoclasm of later generations.' Those in the nave of the basilica were indeed buried, probably as much in response to the ban on burial within churches as to facilitate circulation within the building. This practice was clearly popular, because it was allowed in the atrium (Boube 1955, 100f.): here were found the richest tombs, in marble, and no doubt once protected by ciboria and railings. To the south and west of the basilica were arranged mausolea, their walls and floors veneered with marble, and with undecorated sarcophagi protected under slabs of marble; far from being fourth-century structures like the basilica itself, these were arranged hither and thither in various rooms of the antecedant Roman villa. Similar arguments have been adduced to suggest the display of at least the lids of sarcophagi elsewhere; in some open-air locations, erosion could have produced the same result (P[ac] erin 1982, nn. 12, 14), but the church porch was a more popular display area. This was the case at Saint-Victor, Marseille (Demains d'Archimbaud 1971, 97f.); in the funerary basilica of Saint-Seurin at Bordeaux, which dates perhaps from the late sixth century onwards; and in the Abbey of Saint-Victor in Marseilles, where the lay-out post-dates the mid-eleventh century (i.e. following the Benedictine re-occupation of the site), and includes one Christianised (if perhaps not originally Christian) strigillate example, surely exhumed from the paleochristian necropoleis on the site (Demians d'Archimbaud 1972, 22f.). Martres Tolosanes was therefore by no means unique.  

So famous were cemeteries where sarcophagi were displayed that legends collected around them - not surprisingly, when one considers that interest in antique splendour displayed by mediaeval authors called upon to describe the tombs of heroes (Faral 1967, 325ff.). Dante mentions the Alyscamps at Arles, alongside that of Pola, in his Inferno (9.112-16; cf. Bracco 1965, 284-5), and the former features in several mediaeval epics as the place where Roland, Oliver, and other remnants of that famous rearguard repose - in antique sarcophagi (Bédier 1914, 394ff.; Moisan 1981, 139ff.; nor was its fame restricted to epics in French: Geith 1977). Many sarcophagi were above ground there: one tale (in a thirteenth-century Life: Bédier 1914, 406ff.) tells how Bishop Honorat of Arles was left in peace in the Alyscamps when his companions sat up in their sarcophagi and told the monks who had come to possess the body to leave it where it was. Even in the later Middle Ages, sarcophagus lids were sometimes still visible: the romance of Girart de Roussillon (lines 4269-71) records that the sarcophagi at Quarré-les-Tombes were arranged in two superimposed layers (cf. Louis 1982, 1.149), perhaps indicating that the upper vessels were cenotaphs not tombs - although the poet says that the buried sarcophagi were also `very beautiful'. Another site which features in the same romance has sarcophagi of different dates piled on one another (Delahaye 1982, 818): perhaps, then, we may imagine the lower sarcophagi as having their sides buried and their roofs displayed, as was perhaps the case at Martres Tolosanes - and the late superposition (which may have been widely practised: Périn 1982) as the result of the popularity of the burial place.


The updating of sarcophagi

  Just as pagan buildings were often put to fresh use, so sarcophagi would be refurbished. Occasionally, they were severely re-cut, or a modern portrait might even be made from an antique one; normally, a new inscription would be provided, sometimes on a new lid. A French example is the re-working of c. 1120 of the sarcophagus containing the remains of the saint at Saint-Andéol (Ardèche): this, with an imbricated roof, has two short sides and one long side (putti holding an inscription) carved in antiquity. To house the saint, the remaining long side was given an inscription and figures of SS. Polycarp and  Benignus; but all the work is incuse, because there was insufficient depth of marble to present it in relief. Unitary (rather than made-up) examples of reworking that survive seem to be third century in origin but re-cut in the sixth century: such are the sarcophagus of Seda, dated 541, in Ravenna, from which the second sculptor chopped off bits of pagan decoration, and the fifth-century Roman sarcophagus which held the remains of S. Genesius in Parma from 963 (subsequently lost: Grazzi 1972, 257, fig. 187) had its original inscription erased. Re-cutting was also a common practice in later centuries, even if only to add a new inscription (cf. collections in the atrium of Salerno Cathedral, and in the Camposanto at Pisa). But sometimes old vessels were left plain, as with the unfinished sarcophagus in the crypt of Fidenza Cathedral, which could have received both inscription and iconography when taken for re-use, but did not (Rebecchi 1978, 263f.).  

Such unfinished vessels, imported rough-dressed from the quarries with the design simply blocked out, were perhaps not particularly prized, because of the work required to recut them. When reworked, however, it can be difficult to guess their original state, as with two sarcophagi in S. Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna, of Archbishop Grazioso (died 788; Zucchini 1968, No. 61), and of Giovanni VII, probably of 784 (Zucchini 1968, No. 60): the former is recut from two sarcophagi in different marbles, one for the vessel, the other for the lid; the second from only one (Rossi 1974, 36ff.). In both cases, the antique work has been almost entirely obliterated in favour of the new, perhaps indicating either confidence on the part of the mediaeval craftsmen, or vessels which were never finished. Thus De Francovich asserts that unfinished sarcophagi were readily available in the earlier Middle Ages, citing that of S. Aquilino in S. Lorenzo, Milan (1959, 129 and fig. 100), and maintaining that this is third-century work with all the architectural detailing finished - but the ground left rough until its completion in the early eighth century. On the other hand, perhaps Ravenna is an exception, for it has been argued that new sarcophagi (such as that in S. Vittore: ibid., 1958/9, 140f.) were being produced there until the earlier ninth century. Equally, we find paleochristian sarcophagi `updated' by the simple addition of an inscription, such as that of Archbishop Theodore in S. Apollinare in Classe, re-used at the end of the seventh century (Zucchini 1968, No. 24), or that taken by the Traversari family from 1225, of the late fifth century (ibid., No. 26).  

Sometimes paleochristian sarcophagi, like their pagan counterparts, were partially recut, presumably to improve their appearance. This is the case with the now fragmentary vessel for the bones of S. Guilhem, at Saint-Guilhem-le-Désert, of which three sides are early in date, but the fourth presents a stylish pastiche of early work. The saint had occupied the sarcophagus from the ninth century, and it seems likely that the recarving (and perhaps the retouching of the faces on all four sides) was done during the growth of his cult in the twelfth century, perhaps after 1138 when the church was dedicated to him, and at a time when the site was recommended for pilgrims on the way to Santiago; certainly, carving on four sides makes it clear that the sarcophagus was to be viewed and venerated from all directions (Caviness 1973, 213ff.). Again, the reverse of a palaeochristian vessel with the dextrarum iunctio was decorated to form the tomb of Urban VI in 1309 (Agosti 1983, 7f., for other examples). Such recutting seems to have been a matter of fashion, as with the pilastri acritani, or the Lion Hunt sarcophagus of Costanza in Palermo (Vaccaro Melucci 1966, cat. 17). Very occasionally it is impossible to say whether a work is antique or not, as in those of Henry and Roger at Palermo (died 1172 and 1161: Giuliano 1980, 21f.). Indeed, evidence from fourteenth-century Naples suggests not only that vessels were plentiful there but that, if their new inhabitants were prestigious, their decoration could be expendable. Thus the tomb of Marino (?) Piscicelli (died 1327) is presumably a classical piece, cut back and recarved on one face (Bridges 1956, 167f., pl. 23c); that of Riccardo Piscicelli (died 1331) is more explicitly `anti-conservation' in that the main face of the vessel, a third-century Seasons sarcophagus with portrait medallion, was designed to be hidden against a wall, while the other three sides were re-cut in shallow relief (ibid., 168f., pl. 23a, b); the composite Filomarino tomb, of 1335, does the same with a Dionysiac (?) sarcophagus, and adds another partly re-cut sarcophagus frontal to the scheme (ibid., 169ff.).


The shortage of sarcophagi

  In both Gaul and Italy, the demand for sarcophagi exceeded the supply. Gaul had the greater problems, particularly after trading with Italian workshops stopped toward the end of the fourth century. A graphic illustration of this is provided by cemeteries which have been robbed of their vessels, such as the Merovingian one at La Butte d'Isle-Aumont, whose plan (Périn 1981, 40) shows only a few sarcophagi remaining in place - but the clear impression left in the site of the great majority, which have been robbed out for use elsewhere. The shortage of actual antique vessels is reflected not only in the deliberate use of Roman and Gallo-Roman styles for sarcophagi produced after the end of the Empire, but also in the arguments over the dating of such imitations (James 1977, ch. 2). According to the Vita Eligii (1.32), Saint Eloi (born c. 588/90) made `mausolea' for the bones of saints and martyrs using gold, silver and jewels, a lavishness which underlines the high esteem in which the alternative vessel - the re-used sarcophagus - was held. The rarity of good specimens is underlined by their apparent restriction to kings and saints - as when S. Césaire, after the restoration of his Abbey in 883, seems to have been re-interred in a paleochristian vessel (Benoit 1954, no. 71). Another indication of rarity was the problem of what to do with prizes which were too short for the projected occupant: a touching example of a relevant and useful miracle occurs in Alcuin's life of S. Willibald, when a too-short sarcophagus was lengthened `divina donante pietate' (MGH Script. rer. Merov. 7.135).  

Of course, those with influence could send abroad for a vessel: thus the famous Proserpina sarcophagus in Aachen may well have been imported by Charlemagne (Beutler 1982, 65ff.). Other had to make do with imitations: according to a suggestion by Erlande-Brandenburg (1975, 179), for example, the receptacle for Carloman (died 771), showing a combat between a man and a lion, was an imitation antique rather than the genuine object. And there were much less elegant solutions. The Merovingian vogue for plaster sarcophagi (especially in the Ile-de-France) is perhaps one reflection of the shortage, but make-and-mend was the usual reaction. In the Alyscamps at Arles are two local sarcophagi which can be dated to the very end of the fourth century, made, like most, of Carrara marble; they have been built up painstakingly out of re-used fragments, unequal in size and often in colour, and then clamped together. They are not hastily put together, nor of poor craftsmanship, and from the careful work which went into them we can deduce that marble was in very short supply - so short that it was sometimes impossible to match even fragments (Benoît 1952, 123-4, and fig. 4). A parallel can be seen in the tomb of a Germanic `military chief' at Vermand (Aisne) of c. 400, which shows the introduction of Roman fashions presumably because he served in their army: his sarcophagus is made up of slabs from a dismantled funerary monument (Paris 1981, 173ff.). That such practices were long-lived can be judged from sarcophagi nearly at ground level in the Alyscamps, which can be dated from coins to the thirteenth and fourteenth century (Benoît 1947, 10); these are frequently simple cases of re-use, but sometimes they are cut from monolithic receptacles into a set of slabs which could then be joined together carpentry-fashion. Thus, even at one of the most popular and populous of all cemeteries, there were shortages - although these must have been eased by the eleventh-century rebuilding work, which dug right into the earliest (fourth century) layers of tombs, which were then reused; the same must have happened when a Carolingian building was placed on the site, as is clear from fragments of Carrara marble sarcophagi incorporated in the wall of the Carolingian `area' (Benoît 1952, 119, 123 and fig. 2).  

Marble penury was widespread in Gaul, as excavations at Alba in the Ardèche have shown (Esquieu 1975). This was an important pagan site, but has a superimposed paleochristian level, and finally the twelfth-century church of S. Pierre on top. Several of the paleochristian sarcophagi are from re-used stone (ibid., 9-10): one employs cannellated stone, another includes a nine-line inscription relating to the corporation of ancient Alba, and a third incorporates two blocks decorated with fasces from the entablature of the same civic monument. The lids are even more fragmentary than the vessels: those too short are made up with bricks, or stones, or with two slabs of different size and thickness; one example even has a column shaft lying over the cover - evidently employed as a stele or grave-marker. Dating of such finds is difficult because of the absence of either grave-goods or money, but the excavators suggest the fifth or sixth century. Similar works are common in the museums of France - such as the sarcophagus at Châteauroux built up from an early Imperial architectural frieze with eagles, or that in Nîmes with griffons (Hamann-Maclean 1949-50, 166, fig. 6). Such a desire to use Roman antiquities whatever the cost in time or labour is shown particularly well by an item at Langres (Musée S. Didier, no. 192): this began life as a pedimented aedicule with a full-length figure or figures, but the figures were hacked out at some unknown date to make a roomy tomb. Clearly, sarcophagi were of continuing use, but old funerary sculptures were of no use whatever. Inscriptions were also re-cycled by re-cutting the verso - witness the late ninth-century epitaph of Boson, king of Burgundy, in Vienne, which was re-cut for another client in 1216 (Deschamps 1929, 56f.); more crudely, stones of half-round section, originally used for capping walls, were taken over as sarcophagus lids (Sauter 1971, 169).  

The re-use of fragments in Provence and Aquitaine still occurs in the later Middle Ages, but only occasionally, and then perhaps for special reasons: for example, the `Arduinus' sarcophagus at Saint-Victor, Marseille, of the eleventh century, is still a patchwork confection - an example of marble shortage, of transportation difficulties, or of both; although the likelihood that the original vessel came from Rome could indicate that it was specially prized, and therefore patched to preserve it (Demains d'Archimbaud 1971, 98ff.). At Martres Tolosanes, on the other hand, the fragments were used in building, because the site was so rich in complete vessels. This was probably site of the private cemetery of a rich family of Gallo-Roman aristocracy, or so it is inferred from the high quality of some of its sarcophagi (Boube 1957, 37); it may have been abandoned by the sixth century, for it is distant from populous urban centres, having formed part of the great villa of Chiragan. As we have seen, many of its sarcophagi were displayed above ground and, at some unknown period, were broken into fragments: when the monks of S. Sernin, Toulouse, occupied the area at the beginning of the eleventh century, they used these fragments, now catalogued by Boube (1957) in building a new apse to the basilica; and `blocks of marble, flat and decorated, were used to level the ground outside, to fill in the funerary chambers, and to feed the four lime kilns found, in the course of the dig, in the ground of the present church' (ibid., 38). Complete sarcophagi from the same range of centuries survive at Martres, and were re-used in the Middle Ages. It could be that they were found during the eleventh century building work, having somehow been buried, and thus escaped the destruction visited upon their fellows. We have evidence suggesting that the monks were uninterested in sarcophagus fragments and particularly prized complete ones: for details have survived of an early thirteenth-century lawsuit in which the Prior of Martres was accused of misappropriating two sarcophagi (Boube 1955, 108).  

Italy possessed more high quality sarcophagi than Gaul, but not enough to satisfy the demand, which required their transport from various parts of the peninsula to the newly prosperous locations (Giuliano 1980, 20f.). Made-up vessels (except for lids) are rare, one exception being the supposedly early ninth-century tomb of Bishop Sabino in the cathedral of Canosa, which includes a sheet with imbrications for the front, and fifth- or sixth-century transennae for the rear panel (Chiancone 1981). Pre-Romanesque imitations of antique vessels (such as the Nereid panel on the facade of Calvi Cathedra: Belting 1969, 50, 54f.) are also rare, suggesting that the demand was satisfied by the available originals. In Italy as in Gaul, it is likely that many of the sarcophagi which were re-used had never been buried, but were available in atria or mausolea; we might imagine Duke Theodore of Naples (died 729) finding his Dionysiac sarcophagus (with the central female bust!) in a tomb in the area, as it has been suggested that the workmanship is local (de Franciscis 1977). Another characteristic of Italy is the re-use of urns, one example from many being the figured Etruscan urn used for a saint's bones in S. Biagio della Valle, a dependancy of S. Pietro, Perugia (Leccisotti 1956, 1.60, n. 4).   

If, in Gaul, the re-use of pieces of marble might suggest a veneration for the material itself, rather than for its associations, this is presumably not the case in Italy, for even those cities like Genoa and Pisa which were near marble quarries were concerned to import antique sarcophagi even in those centuries when the quarries were in production. The Pisans certainly got some of their inscriptions from Ostia, and it is likely that some of their sarcophagi came from the same place; Bozzo (1967, 12ff.) believes that the same conclusion must be drawn for Genoa, for which there are plentiful records of trade with Rome in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, even if none detailing sarcophagi. The urns and sarcophagi of Amalfi are a matter of some dispute, but Manacorda (1979) is confident that the distribution of such vessels on the peninsula, reflecting as it does the largest limits of the Amalfitan State (his fig. 1, p.334), must indicate that they were brought in by the Republic, rather than in Antiquity - which, he acknowledges, is no more than Mommsen wrote in the last century (CIL 10.61).



Conclusion


The vogue for re-using decorated sarcophagi ended when they became collectors' items (although there are some examples of re-use in the twentieth century); this was the case by the early sixteenth century in Italy, and a little later in France. Plain stone chests were not for collecting, they were re-used time and again, and there are examples in Poitou as late as the seventeenth century (James 1977, 69). Supplies of decorated sarcophagi kept coming to light as a result of successive waves of population expansion. Thus the continuing fertility of the Alyscamps at Arles is confirmed by the account of the visit of Catherine de' Medici and Charles IX in 1564, when they chose several of the best specimens and eight porphyry columns from the church of Notre Dame de la Major (built on the line of the ancient walls and on the site of a temple, or so it is believed). All was loaded on to a boat, which then sank (Constans 1921, 368f.). Such permission to remove sarcophagi was special, for as early as 1518 the commune had forbidden strangers to take material from the Alyscamps without the consent of the consuls (ibid., loc. cit.). Even as late as 1806, Napoleon ordered columns of marble and granite to be taken from the traditional site of the `Temple of Diana' (on the heights by the amphitheatre) to decorate the Louvre (Benoît 1951, 34).  

By such transfers, the stocks of sarcophagi were taken out of circulation into museums. But much has also been completely lost, especially since the Renaissance, as can be seen by comparing descriptions with survivals. Ravenna (perhaps a traditional plundering place, from the later Empire to the Malatesta) is a case in point: we know of forty Ravennate sarcophagi from descriptions alone - for the works themselves have vanished. Indeed, the Mausoleum of Bracciaforte, demolished in the seventeenth century, is known to have contained thirty sarcophagi (Lawrence 1939, 31): although a few survive (e.g. Zucchini 1968, Nos. 11, 26), the great majority of these have been lost since then - that is, during centuries which supposedly treasured the relics of antiquity. Similarly, of the great series of Imperial sarcophagi in Constantinople, and first listed in the tenth century, only four vessels and a few fragments survive (Grierson 1962).